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Post Catalonia's Parliamentary Elections, 21 December 2017
Created by John Eipper on 12/28/17 11:29 AM

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Catalonia's Parliamentary Elections, 21 December 2017 (José Ignacio Soler, Venezuela, 12/28/17 11:29 am)

I was not surprised by Jordi Molins's biased perceptions and analysis (26 December) of Catalonia's parliamentary elections, but I was not expecting them to be so contradictory.

Jordi wrote, "The Constitutionalist bloc got fewer votes than the Republican bloc: 1.8 million votes versus 2.3 million votes." I suppose he is counting in his total for the so-called "Republican bloc," the votes for the CeC party. In fact, this party might be Republican but not independentist, for as Jordi himself mentions, they are "neither independentist/republicans nor constitutionalists," ergo it is impossible for their votes to be counted among the independentist or Republican bloc. In fact leaders of this party have clearly and repeatedly stated they do not want Cataluña to be independent. They have only said they would be in favor of a referendum on the matter.

Jordi should try to be more objective. I know it must be hard for him to admit that the independentists do not have a majority in Catalonian society, but once again this fact has been clearly exposed and even admitted repeatedly, both in the past and as a result of this election, by independentist leaders.

Regarding José Manuel de Prada´s comment, "the current movement for independence [is] a xenophobic and racist one," I tend to agree with this. There are many implicit and disguised ways to express xenophobia and racism. I personally know many Catalonian independentists who in private show contempt to foreigners, and more particularly to fellow Spaniards from other regions, for instance Madrid, Andalucia or Galicia, and of course Muslims. Of course no one would dare to make these statements publicly, since they are politically incorrect. In general, it must be hard to find a nationalist movement anywhere which is not strongly motivated by regionalism, a basic sentiment against foreigners, a kind of supremacy feeling of being different and superior in some ways. Catalonia's Nationalistic-independentist movement would not be an exception.

All the Catalonian politicians mentioned by Jordi, whether in exile or jail, are in that situation only because they have broken the law. As I have said previously, I disagree with this severe punishment from Spain's Justice system, but it is in accordance with the law and not an arbitrary decision of the Spanish government, as the independentists want the public to believe.

Finally, I would like to agree with Jordi's optimistic view about the economic situation in Catalonia during the current crisis, because it will affect the whole economy of Spain; but like many other independentists, Jordi prefers to ignore facts and data, because everybody in the economics field is aware of the negative impacts of the economic crisis in so many ways (in previous WAIS posts I mentioned some of these impacts). In this matter I would very much like to agree with Jordi; however, I will predict that the economic problems and difficulties will continue to come in the short and medium term as a result of the recent votes.

JE comments: Is it possible to resolve the xenophobia question vis-à-vis Catalonia? Each side is accusing the other of racism and xenophobia. The ultra-right, neo-Francoist crowd is certainly against independence, but isn't anti-Spanish sentiment among the Republicans also xenophobic? And finally, what about the (non-Spanish) immigrant question? Specifically, do Catalonia's Muslims favor independence?

(WAIS was down for several hours this morning.  Sorry about the delay.)

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  • The Catalan Economy is Not Collapsing (Jordi Molins, Spain 12/29/17 4:13 AM)
    In my post of December 26th, I incorrectly stated that "The Constitutionalist bloc got fewer votes [in Catalonia's parliamentary election] than the Republican bloc: 1.8 million votes versus 2.3 million votes."

    The final electoral results show the Republican bloc got 2.1 million votes, and the Constitutionalists, 1.9 million votes. The reason of my mistake is the results at the time of writing that email were only provisional. I did not foresee the very low proportion of voting among Catalans living in foreign countries (the participation was provisionally announced to be 82%, as per José Manuel de Prada's last post, but the final results show only a 79% participation), which skewed my estimate.

    I hope WAISers appreciate a data-based approach in political analysis. Everybody has an opinion, but when providing data backing up one's claims, one has to be much more careful about stating seductive, but wrong, hypotheses. Most Constitutionalists writing on WAIS do not provide data to back up their claims, making much more difficult a comparison of the merits of both sides, using a fact-based approach.

    In my opinion, the reason why Constitutionalists do not provide data is they have none. For example, yesterday the AIReF (the Spanish equivalent for the Congressional Budget Office) estimated the Catalan GDP growth for 2017 Q4 at 0.7%, and 0.8% for 2018 Q1. This GDP growth is higher than the corresponding for 2016 Q4, and consistent with around 3% YoY GDP growth, which is pretty high for European standards. The claims the Catalan economy would collapse in the last quarter of the year, which was repeatedly stated during the electoral campaign by the Constitutionalists, have proved to be ill-founded. It is not possible to estimate how many Catalans voted for Constitutionalist political parties due to that fear, believing the Constitutionalists could not cheat in such an indecent way.

    The comments about an unfair electoral law in Catalonia are also unfounded: the Catalan electoral law is ruled by the Spanish law 5/1985. The Catalan Parliament has never changed that Spanish law, so the Catalan electoral process was defined by the Spanish Parliament on 1985. That law may be fair or not; but such responsibility is on the Spanish Parliament, not on the Catalan Parliament (as implicitly suggested by several Constitutionalist WAISers).

    The Spanish Senate skews much more the number of seats towards small constituencies: a vote in Soria is worth around four times a vote in Madrid, resulting in systematic absolute majorities for the Popular Party. The Spanish Senate started the application of the "article 155" in Catalonia. I do not see Constitutionalists in WAIS complaining about it.

    Finally, again the issue of racism and xenophobia in Catalonia: apart from opinions, Constitutionalists in WAIS do not provide a single piece of evidence about the supposed xenophobia by the Republicans. Instead, I believe I have provided ample evidence of a distressing dehumanization process on the Constitutionalists' side. Republicans support the "Refugees Welcome" campaign, and they are mostly composed of Catalans of mixed origin (such as myself). There is not a single piece of evidence that Republican leaders are racist or xenophobic, quite the opposite. As a consequence, repeated accusations of xenophobia are, in fact, a clear case of xenophobia.

    JE comments:  Jordi, what are the next steps?  My preliminary question:  Will the new Parliament be able to use its majority to bring back Puigdemont, or will Madrid's final say still apply?

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